Russia is increasingly trying to draw attention on the part of international community, demonstrate its status of superpower in foreign, domestic policy and economy. Aggression against Georgia, strict rhetoric against the US, threats regarding militarization of Kaliningrad Region, replacing of the US dollar with rouble, creation of gas OPEC are the recent examples of these Russia’s intentions. In this context the planned meeting with expanded agenda between Russian and Venezuelan Presidents is significant. Is Russia’s claim for the status of superpower well-grounded, and why is it so important for Russian elite?
Building Might
Today’s Russia is trying to restore its status of superpower artificially. Russia again unites the necessary satellites, the easy to influence developing countries become its friends. Russia is selling weapons and attempting to destabilize situation in the vicinity of the US, providing Venezuela and Nicaragua with funds and military products.
The current play with muscles is rather self actualization for Russia with the aim to prove that also after the collapse of the USSR it is capable of participation in military competition. Russia is also fond of repeating particular historical situations, for example, while recovering from financial crisis it has initiated designing of ambitious armed forces development plan. In 2008, under the pretext of warfare in Georgia and the growth of Georgia’s military potential, Russia increased its following year’s budget by 23,1%. Of course, the Georgia conflict is just pretence for Russia’s extensive financial injections in its defence system. While repeating its experience of 1960s, Russia once more is looking for allies in the Caribbean Sea Region, giving preference to the countries whose position differs from that of the US. Instead of Cuba, this time Russia offers cooperation to Venezuela and possibly to Nicaragua.
Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez uses any opportunity to criticize the US and oppress the opposition in his own country. Currently Venezuela repeats the history of Chilean authoritarian regime, just with more pronounced melodramatic elements. At the moment Venezuela is the major consumer of Russian weapons, both states have already signed a multi-billion agreement on weapons supply. In July 2008, Chavez visited Russia with the aim to purchase 20 missiles “Tor-M1”, as well as fuel and electricity driven submarines for the total sum of 1 billion USD. It might seem that Russia and Venezuela are quite distant and different countries, however, they have reached understanding, and they are united in their dislike for democracy, attempts to maintain control of the mass media and key economic sectors. Friendship with this South American country is obviously advantageous for Russia, for it promotes strengthening of Russia’s position in the region, near the US’s coast, in the state – strategic supplier of oil to the US. After the Georgia conflict, it is also necessary for Russia to remind the US that it is capable of approaching its frontier, organizing military exercise in Venezuela. In September 2008, having sent its strategic bombers and warships to Venezuela, Russia once again demonstrated its intention to become the power similar to the US.
Illusion of Might
Russia’s might and status of superpower are just an illusion. That can be illustrated by economic showings. If the global US and EU joint GDP is approximately 40%, Russia has only 3%. Its GDP per capita corresponds to that of the Netherlands. Russia’s elite need external power to curb the public discontent with the internal poverty (especially outside Moscow and Saint-Petersburg). Monitoring conducted by a number of international organizations reveal Russian leadership’s indifference towards its citizens. According to the WB and WHO data, Russia’s defence expenditures (7%) considerably exceed those of health care (4%).
Russia’s death-rate of 2007, according to WHO assessment, indicates that social maintenance, health care and Russia’s overall social policy are not directed to increasing citizens’ living standard, disregarding the state’s huge revenues over the last years. Average lifespan in Russia is only 65 years, while in Japan, the country with the population closest to Russia’s, it is 65. Dramatic comparison is related to the number of death rate per 1000 newborn: in Russia – 17, in Japan – 4.
Disregarding its economic growth, Russia has failed to implement social reforms with the aim to decrease poverty and security threats. The fact is illustrative that, the level of spread of HIV/AIDS in Russia is among the highest ones in the world, just next to the African region. Similar to the other CIS member countries with ineffective state administration, Russia is incapable of interrupting the flow of narcotics and diseases, as well as human smuggling. HIV/AIDS, the resistant against antibiotics tuberculosis and other illnesses may become pandemic in Russia, and Russia’s government ignores, or on some occasions it can do nothing about it.
Facts (comparison of the countries close according to population):
Russia Japan
12 096 USD per capita 33 500 USD per capita
4% of GDP to health care 8.2% of GDP to health care
65 years average lifespan 75 years average lifespan
0.7 % TBC cases 0.08% TBC cases
Russia’s Values
On one hand, Russia’s policy may be explained by the system of values of the Soviet period. It is obvious, for example, in Russia’s approach to its symbols reflecting the society’s system of values. The composed by Alexander Alexandrov hymn of the USSR returned in 2001 after V.Putin came in power, just this time with the rewritten text by Sergei Mikhalkov. The return of the hymn meant a symbolic revival of the USSR, making it the part and particle of Russia’s history and the modern Russia.
The new Russia’s history textbook for secondary school can serve as a striking example, containing a praise of Vladimir Putin and a complete justification of Stalin’s dictatorship. The authors of the textbook appreciate the periods of rule of Stalin and Brezhnev, but the President Boris Yeltsin initiated democratic reforms and the respective epoch is called as “deep Russia’s crisis”. According to Pavel Danilin, the researcher with the pro-Kremlin “Effective Policy Foundation”, the book is the seeming response to the popular in Europe Rusophobia.
Symbols of the USSR are used in nowadays Russia on a broad scale: on the facade of State Duma, facade of the main building of Moscow University and many other buildings. Logo of the “Aeroflot” company still contains hammer and sickle, and the red star is an element of the Armed Forces’ emblem.
On the other hand, the Soviet symbols and values are just tools in the hands of Russia’s elite. Russian political scientist Andrei Piontkovsky considers that the current Russia feels a stronger dislike against the West than the USSR felt. “The Communist Party elite were very self-assured during the Soviet period, as if it was playing in the “A” league of the global policy, having only two teams – the USSR and US. Over the last 20 years of the cold war, it was the space of the two superpowers, and the Russian leaders’ political egotism did not suffer in any way,” Piontkovsky reminds. “Meanwhile average citizens were rather interested in the American society of consumers – American jeans, American jazz for youth – but there was no pathological hatred, disregarding the existence of confrontation between the two nuclear powers. Presently, when the West does not pose any threat of military conflict, the hatred has the expression of Russian political elite’s inferiority complex – then they were the players in the “A” league, but now they are members of the team of the “B” or even “C” level,” the political scientist regards.
Disregarding the Russia’s search for the status of superpower and its propagating tactics, the current political – economic situation cannot last for a long period of time. It puts obstacles to Russia becoming the free post-industrial country, until the current state administration model is practiced.